If the problem of religious irregularity existed at a doctrinal level among the hierocracy itself, it stands to reason that “Folk Islam,” in its various manifestations, continued to influence and mold popular piety during the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp. To some extent, his father had begun this process by patronizing a number of prominent Persian urbanites, most famously Yār-Aḥmad Ḵuzāni (laqab: Najm-e Ṯāni), in powerful bureaucratic positions, and we see this continued in Ṭahmāsp’s lengthy and close relationship with the chief vizier and wakil, Qāżi Jahān of Qazvin, after 1535. In March 1547, hostilities broke out when Alqāṣ’s forces, led by Moḥammad Beg Afšār, were routed by Šāhqoli Ḵalifa and the city of Darband was taken from the rebels by Bahrām Mirzā. 105-16, and “Description contemporaine des peintures murales disparues des palais de Shah Ṭahmāsp à Qazvin,” in Art et société dans le monde iranien, ed. Consistent with Turco-Mongolian customs in terms of corporate family sovereignty, he was allocated nominal control of the lucrative province of Khorasan, and in 1516 he was placed under the tutorship (lalegi) of Amir Solṭān Mawṣellu, the former governor of Āmed (see AMIDA; now Diārbakr) under the Āq Qoyunlus. They were both influential in the royal court and they showed concern for the welfare of the community. Ṭahmāsp concludes how “it is known that I saw these types of miracles (nawʿ-e ʿajābāt) and in this way, the Qurʾānic verse (2:137) had run off my tongue.” Not long afterwards, Ṭahmāsp managed to defeat the largest Ottoman invasion to date by Sultan Solaymān (Horn, pp. However, as some scholars (Stewart, Newman, Morton, Amoretti) have noted, the religious situation in the 16th century was far more nuanced than this, and the characterization of the Iranian population as homogeneous in its acceptance of and familiarity with formal Imami Twelver Shiʿism is problematic. N. Ahmad and I. H. Siddiqui, II, Jaipur, 2000, pp. However, a series of Safavid victories in the early 1550s: the conquest of the Armenian cities of Arjiš, Aḵlāt,Van, and Bitlis (see BEDLIS), the routing of Eskandar Pasha outside Erzurum, the capture of Sinān Pasha, and the ensuing peace treaty of Amasya (29 May 1555), suggest that Tabriz was relatively secure when Ṭahmāsp decided to relocate his royal capital to Qazvin in 1557. Indeed, the developments during this period support the contention that one particular coterie of sayyeds from Māzandarān and the east were especially influential for the duration of Shah Ṭahmāsp’s reign. Tahmasp was an enthusiastic patron of the arts with a particular interest in the Persian miniature, especially book illustration. 12-18) attest to the shah’s longstanding recognition and sponsorship of Christian Armenian (see also ARMENIA AND IRAN vi, pp. M.-R. Nāṣeri and K. Haneda, Tehran, 2000. See also M. Szuppe, “Palais et jardins: le complexe royal des premiers safavides à Qazvin, milieu XVIᵉ-début XVIIᵉ siècles,” in Sites et monuments disparus d’après les temoignages de voyageurs, ed. Tahmasb was now old enough and confident enough to rule in his own right. [21] These would become an important new element in Iranian society. His ambassador to the Shah was the knight of Saint John de Balbi, and an alliance was made with the objective of making an attack on the Ottoman Empire in the west and the east within the following year. The fourteen-year-old Ṭahmāsp led a relief force to the east and, by all accounts, acquitted himself bravely at the battle of Jām (24 September 1528). Wikipedia Museo Poldi Pezzoli; Wikidata. Tahmasp then handed the prince over to the Ottoman ambassador. R. Gyselen, Bures-sur-Yvette, 1996, pp. 81 and 84-98. POSSIBLY USEFUL Generally because of ottoman country was an empire and also the ottomans sultans had great tolerent towards to non turkish people a lot of race lived under the rule of ottomans. The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 36, no. C. Seddon, 2 vols., Baroda, 1931-33; ʿAbdi Beg Širāzi, Takmelat al-aḵbār, ed. Minorsky). The Safavid Empire, in many ways, began to show an unprecedented degree of cultural sophistication, especially in terms of the “arts of the book,” during the period between 1541 and 1555. Moreover, the Takkalu tribe and its leader, Čuha Solṭān, were in control of the cities of Isfahan and Hamadān. The Italian excavations have revealed five principal construction phases spanning from the III c. BCE into the X-XI c. CE. Ṭahmāsp I, (born March 3, 1514, Shāhābād, near Eá¹£fahān, Safavid Iran—died 1576, Kazvin? [3][4] One of his most notable successors, the greatest Safavid emperor, Abbas I (also known as Abbas the Great) would fully implement and finalize this policy and the creation of this new layer in Iranian society. At the end of the tenth century R. Isaac b. Moses ibn SakrÄ« of Spain was the rosh yeshivah. 1 and Cover figure. The previous conquests were consolidated, and many of the political, economic, and social problems caused by Mehmed’s internal policies were resolved, leaving a firm foundation for the conquests of the 16th-century sultans. 635-37). A hookah (Hindustani: हुक़्क़ा (Urdu), حقّہ (Nastaleeq) huqqah) also known as a waterpipe or narghile, is a single or multi-stemmed (often glass-based) instrument for smoking in which the smoke is cooled by water. Haydar was killed and Ismail emerged triumphant as Shah Ismail II.[27]. For the city of Ardabil, see K. Rizvi, “Its Mortar Mixed with the Sweetness of Life: Architecture and Ceremonial at the Shrine of Safi al-Din Ishaq Ardabili during the Reign of Shah Tahmasb I,” Muslim World 90, 2000, pp. Suleiman was eager to negotiate his son's return, but Tahmasp rejected his promises and threats until, in 1561 Suleiman compromised with him. After Homāyun had been invited to Persia in 1542, Shah Ṭahmāsp dispatched an edict (farmān) to the governor of Herat, Moḥammad Šaraf-al-Din Oḡli stating that “it is mandatory that the Ḥāfeẓ (memorizer of the Qurʾān) Ṣāber Burqāq, Mawlānā Qāsem Qānuni (“the qānun player”), Ostād Šāh Moḥammad Sornāʾi (“the flute player”), the Ḥāfeẓ Dust-Moḥammad Ḵᵛāfi, Ostād Yusof Mawdud, and other famous reciters and singers who may be in the city, be constantly present. Shah Ṭahmāsp’s own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. Nevertheless, one court faction supported Ismail, while another backed Haydar Mirza Safavi, the son of a Georgian. Between 1540 and 1553, Tahmasp conducted military campaigns in the Caucasus region in both his territories and beyond, capturing many tens of thousands of Armenians, Georgians and Circassians. The implications of this policy of Ṭahmāsp staffing his ketāb-ḵāna (library-atelier) and divān-e aʿlā (central administration; see DIVAN ii) with Timurid-trained artists and administrators, a trend arguably begun by Esmāʿil when he invaded Khorasan and conquered the cities of Marv (Merv) and Herat in 1510, are profound. 1, Tehran, 2000, pp. Reorientation and stability (1555-76). The Ottomans, further, gave permission for Persian pilgrims to go to the holy places of Mecca and Medina as well as to the Shia sites of pilgrimages in Iraq. It should be noted that many of the court chronicles completed during or shortly after the reign of Ṭahmāsp are often in large part recensions of grander, universal histories such as Ḡiāṯ˚-al-Din b. Homām-al-Din Ḵᵛāndamir’s Ḥabib al-siar (ed. In the spring of 1534, news of a massive Ottoman invasion led by the Ottoman sultan Solaymān the Magnificent (r. 1520-66) in person, reached Ṭahmāsp in Balḵ. Political History: Ṭahmāsp as a princeling (1516-24). By naming his two-year old son as governor, and placing him in the care of the chief amir (see also AMIR-AL-OMARĀʾ) of the recently-incorporated Mawṣellu tribe, Esmāʿil was not only redistributing tribal power but also inducing a much-needed physical manifestation of the imperial Safavid family (which was considered sacred) in a troubled peripheral area of his nascent empire. Ismāʿīl’s successor, Ṭahmāsp I (reigned 1524–76), encouraged carpet weaving on the scale of a state industry. 119–20), nor on his elimination of such loyal and valuable commanders as Farhād Khān (pp. Qazvin had long since been associated with orthodoxy and stable governance, and Ṭahmāsp’s patronage of a number of new palaces, administrative complexes, gardens, and other public works suggests a need to develop a new imperial center for a new imperial ethos. Iran - Iran - Shah Ê¿Abbās I: The á¹¢afavids were still faced with the problem of making their empire pay. When it failed to kill him, the shah's supporters finished him off. K. Irānšahr, Berlin, 1924-25. We are led to believe that the chief agents for this sudden rectitude in the shah’s piety and the spread of orthodoxy in the Safavid court and cities alike were a number of Twelver Shiʿite theologians who migrated from the Jabal ʿĀmel region of modern-day Lebanon (see JABAL ʿĀMEL and SHIʿITES IN LEBANON). For works reproducing aspects of Persian miniature painting during the Safavid period, the following are worth noting. On account of their spirit-enhancing beauty, the thought of life and the next world vanished. M. Dabir-Siāqi, 4 vols., Tehran, 1983; Eng. This persuaded the sultan to come to terms at the Peace of Amasya in 1555. On 5 July 1527 as Div Sultan arrived for a meeting of the government, Tahmasp shot an arrow at him. Hist. Literary aspects of this reign have been studied by Paul Losensky. J. Calmard, Paris, 1993, pp. 65-85, and “A Secretarial Career Under Shah Tahmasp I (1524-1576),” Islamic Studies 2, 1963, pp. 299-311. See also Devin Stewart, “The First Shaykh al-Islām of the Safavid Capital Qazvin,” JAOS 116, 1996, pp. 225-46; Devin Stewart “The First Shaykh al-Islām of the Safavid Capital Qazvin,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, 1996, pp. The Qizilbash leaders fought among themselves for the right to be regents over Tahmasp, and by doing so held most of the effective power in hands in the empire. Deemed too old and no longer able to address these internal and external threats, Div Solṭān was executed on 5 July 1527 by order of the shah, and control of the Safavid Empire was transferred to the sole remaining member of the Qezelbāš triumvirate, Čuha Solṭān Takkalu. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, shah of Iran (1941-79). [11] A decision was thus taken to attack the Ottoman Empire on both fronts,[15] but Balbi took more than one year to return to the Iranian Empire, and by that time the situation had changed in Safavid Iran, as Iran was forced to make peace with the Ottoman Empire because of an insurrection of the Shaybanid Uzbeks. However, the earliest known literary evidence of the hookah, anywhere, comes in a quatrain by AhlÄ« Shirazi (d. 1535), a Persian poet, referring to the use of the ḡalyān (FalsafÄ«, II, p. 277; Semsār, 1963, p. 15), thus dating its use at least as early as the time of the Shah Ṭahmāsp I. ṬAHMĀSP I, second ruler of the Safavid dynasty (b. village of Šāh-ābād near Isfahan, 22 February, 1514; d. Qazvin, 14 May, 1576). However, the Ottomans continued to apply pressure by invading Persia again in 1548, once again a direct result of fraternal fractures within the Safavid household. 351-70. 640-46; S. A. Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, Chicago, 1984, pp. Ṭahmāsp writes “After realizing this, I was very anxious, and it occurred to me again then that a flash of light from God, may His name be exalted, had burst forth and made itself apparent” (Horn, 1890, p. 637). Of the artists: Ostād Solṭān Moḥammad Moṣawwar, Ostād Behzād Moṣawwar, Ostād Mirak Eṣfahāni, Mir Moṣawwar, and Dust Divāna. Amir Solṭān Mawṣellu managed to arrest Ḡiāṯ-al-Din in 1521 and had him executed the following day but he himself was dismissed from his post and recalled to Tabriz by Shah Esmāʿil, who appointed a new tutor (lala), ʿAli Beg Rumlu, known as Div Solṭān for Ṭahmāsp Mirzā, while the princedom of Herat and Khorasan was given to his brother, Sām Mirzā. For facsimiles, transcriptions, and translations of documents, see L. Fekete’s monumental Einführung in die persische Paläographie, Budapest, 1977, pp. Bombay, 3 vols., 1955-56; ed. Humayun reluctantly agreed and also gave Tahmasp the strategically important city of Kandahar in exchange for Iranian military assistance against the heirs of Sher Khan and his own rebellious brothers. In 1574, Tahmasp also had the 36th Nizari Ismaili Shia Imam Murād MÄ«rzā executed, due to the perceived political threat he posed. For Safavid genealogies, see Šayḵ Ḥosayn Pirzāda Zāhedi, Selselat al-nasab-e ṣafawiyya, ed. Ê¿Abbās I (reigned 1588–1629) established trade contacts directly with Europe, but Iran’s remoteness from Europe, behind the imposing Ottoman screen, made maintaining and 267-86. He was forced to retreat to Baghdad where the Ottomans abandoned him as an embarrassment. ʿA. The most famous example of such work is the Shāhnāma-yi Shāh TahmāsbÄ« (King's Book of Kings), commissioned for Tahmasb by his father and containing 250 miniatures by the leading court artists of the era. tr. The same Venetian account relates how villagers would perform informal pilgrimages to the royal court in the hope of securing an article of the shah’s clothing, which was believed widely to hold healing properties (tabarrok), as was the water used by the shah to clean his hands (Membré, pp. This tendency in Turco-Mongolian polity had been recently witnessed by Ṭahmāsp between 1543 and 1545 when he extended temporary asylum to the Indian Moghul ruler, Homāyun (see HOMĀYUN PĀDEŠĀH, r. 1530-40 and 1555-56), who had been pursued west from Kandahar (Qandahār) by his own brothers after being expelled from the Indo-Gangetic plain by Šēr-Šāh Suri; likewise was the case in Turkish Constantinople when political aspirations and familial rivalry resulted in the defection of Solaymān’s son, Bāyazid, to the Safavid court in 1562. Too young to rule in his own right, Tahmasp came under the control of the Qizilbash. Tahmasp was the son of Shah Ismail I and Shah-Begi Khanum (known under the title Tajlu Khanum) of the Turcoman Mawsillu tribe. 89-120. 31-64; 13, 1975, pp. Some celebrated instances of this bigoted orthodoxy include the massacre of various Noqṭawi and Ismaʿili communities, the abrogation of a number of objectionable verses from his father’s divān, the public decree that court poets henceforth write panegyrics solely to the Twelve Imams, and the xenophobic denigration of the English Muscovy Company agent, Anthony Jenkinson. The silk trade, over which the government held a monopoly, was a primary source of revenue. Combined with his purging of the “Takkalu Pestilence,” the execution of Ḥosayn Khan was a deliberate demonstration of sovereignty by the young shah, and 1533 is generally accepted as heralding a new phase of confidence and political awareness for the young Ṭahmāsp. diss., Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg University, 2000; A. Allouche, The Origins and Development of the Ottoman-Safavid Diplomatic Conflict, 906-966/1500-1555, Berlin, 1983; Jean Aubin, “Per Viam Portugalensem: Autour d’un projet diplomatique de Maximilien II,” Mare Luso-Indicum 4, 1980, pp. In 1555, however, he regularized relations with the Ottoman Empire through the Peace of Amasya. 45-73; R. Islam, Indo-Persian Relations: A Study of the Political and Diplomatic Relations Between the Mughal Empire and Iran, Tehran, 1970, pp. During the tenth century there were two distinguished Jewish families in Baghdad, *Netira and Aaron. After a lengthy siege and ensuing negotiations, Herat was handed over to the Uzbeks by Sām Mirzā and his tutor, Ḥosayn Khan Šāmlu, in exchange for safe passage out of Khorasan to the west. Insights into Ṭahmāsp’s treatment of the city of Herat can be found in M. Szuppe, Entre Timourides, Uzbeks et Safavides: Questions d’histoire politique et sociale de Hérat dans la première moitié du XVIᵉ siècle, Paris, 1992, and “Les résidences princières de Herat: problèmes de continuité fonctionnelle entre les époques timouride et safavide (1ère moitié du XVIe siècle),” in Étudessafavides, ed. The Art of Eternal Rest: Ottoman Mausoleums and Tombstones In turn, many of these transplanted women became wives and concubines of Ṭahmāsp, and the Safavid harem emerged as a competitive, and sometimes lethal, arena of ethnic politics as cliques of Turkmen, Circassian, and Georgian women and courtiers vied with each other for the shah’s attention. Shortly before his death in February 1588, he entrusted the collection and arrangement of his literary remains to the poet and literary biographer Taqi-al-Din Kāšāni. Persian Miniature of “Madjnun among the beast “that is a depiction of the legend of Layli and Madjnun ,a Persian romance versified by Nezami of Gandja in 1188.A.D. She was born in 1593 and died in 1631, during the birth of her fourteenth child at Burhanpur. At the age of eight, Ṭahmāsp found himself in the center of a power struggle between Turkmens and “Tājiks,” that is Persians, personified in Amir Solṭān Mawṣellu and Amir Ḡiāṯ-al-Din, over the control of Herat. He was only 10 years old when he succeeded his father Shah Ismail, the founder of Safavid rule in Iran. The Safavids quickly drove the Uzbeks from eastern Khorasan in the late summer of 1530, and Ṭahmāsp appointed his brother, Bahrām Mirzā, and his tutor, Ḡāzi Khan Takkalu to take charge of the province. The two princes quarrelled and eventually Bayezid rebelled against his father. Introduction. If Shah ʿAbbās I is credited with establishing the Safavid dynasty as one of the principal architectural patrons known to Perso-Islamic history, and Shah Esmāʿil is recognized for his formal introduction of Twelver Shiʿism to Persia, Shah Ṭahmāsp must be acknowledged for his patronage and revival of Persian adab and cultural life. Navāʾi, Tehran, 1990, and Qāżi Aḥmad Ḡaffāri Qazvini, Tāriḵ-e jahānārā, ed. A. Zilli, “Early Correspondence Between Shah Tahmasp and Akbar,” in Islamic Heritage in South Asian Subcontinent, ed. A. H. Morton, London, 1993), has been invaluable for insights into various aspects of Safavid court culture and popular piety. Illustrations from the celebrated Safavid copy of the Haft Awrang have been reproduced by M. S. Simpson in Sultan Ibrahim Mirza’s Haft Awrang: A Princely Manuscript from Sixteenth-Century Iran, New Haven, 1997. ṬAHMĀSP I, second ruler of the Safavid dynasty (b. village of Šāh-ābād near Isfahan, 22 February, 1514; d.Qazvin, 14 May, 1576). A number of letters from the Safavid court of Shah Ṭahmāsp are reproduced in Feridun Ahmad Bey, Monšaʿāt al-salāṭin, 2 vols., Istanbul, 1857-58. During his stay in that city, he studied and taught, as one of the jurists of his time, at the holy shrine attached to Ê¿Alī’s tomb. For another perspective on Širāzi, see Rasul Jaʿfariān, “Didgāh-hā-ye siāsi-e ʿAbdi Beg Širāzi dar bāra-ye Šāh Ṭahmāsp Ṣafavi,” Ṣafaviya dar ʿarṣa-ye din, farhang va siāsat, ed. As Hans Roemer (1986, p. 249) observed, there was no need to see a policy of “Persianization” in this move, but undoubtedly “the idea of a Turkmen state with its center at Tabriz and its fulcrum in eastern Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and northwestern Persia was abandoned.” The decision to replace Tabriz as the imperial center, a city that had historically been the hub of a number of Mongol and Turkmen dynasties such as the Il-khanids, the Qara Qoyunlus, and the Āq Qoyunlus, was concurrent with a decision by the shah to populate and staff his court and army with members of a new, non-Qezelbāš constituency. Recently, two key sources for the Safavid period and the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp have become available: Budāq Monši Qazvini, Jawāher al-aḵbār, ed. See his Encyclopædia Iranica article on Moḥtašam of Kashan, and “The Palace of Praise and the Melons of Time: Descriptive Patterns in ‘Abdi Bayk Shirazi’s Garden of Eden,” Eurasian Studies: the Skilliter Center-Instituto per l’Oriente Journal for Balkan, Eastern Mediterranean, Anatolian, Middle Eastern, Iranian, and Central Asian Studies 2, 2003, pp. 493-503. As governor of the Safavid capital, Köpek Solṭān still retained a fair amount of control, and some of his tribal supporters petitioned him to challenge the shah’s lala openly. In September of that year, Tahmasp and Bayezid were enjoying a banquet at Tabriz when Tahmasp suddenly pretended he had received news that the Ottoman prince was engaged in a plot against his life. tr. A number of other primary sources, namely diplomatic letters (maktubāt), royal decrees (farāmin), and diplomas of investiture have been edited and, in some cases, translated. Herat was able to weather the Uzbek siege for a year before ʿObayd-Allāh decided to disengage and retreat in October 1533. Later sources, such as Ebrāhim Beg Monši’s Tāriḵ-e ʿālam ārā-ye ʿabbāsi and Moḥammad-Yusof Vāla Eṣfahāni’s Ḵold-e barin, also refer to Shah Ṭahmāsp’s reign as the zenith of the calligraphic and pictorial arts. On 9 July 1533 a royal decree was issued declaring that Karaki was not only the supreme religious authority in the Safavid court but that henceforth he was the “Deputy of the [Twelfth] Imam” (nāʾeb al-emām), an unsettling claim for many orthodox Shiʿite clerics both in and outside of Persia. Probably the most detailed court chronicle of this period, produced shortly after Ṭahmāsp’s reign, is Qāżi Aḥmad b. Šaraf-al-Din Qomi’s Ḵolāṣat al-tawāriḵ, ed. Chahryar Adle, Paris, 1982, pp. But Selim was an alcoholic and Hürrem's other son, Bayezid, had shown far greater military ability. While Ṭahmāsp could obviate some of his concerns regarding familial revolt by having his brothers and sons routinely transferred around to various governorships in the empire, he realized that any long-lasting solutions would involve minimizing the political and military presence of the Qezelbāš as a whole. Mumtaz Mahal was a niece of empress Nur Jahan and granddaughter of Mirza Ghias Beg I’timad-ud-Daula, wazir of emperor Jehangir. [12][13][14] Tahmasp also responded by expressing his friendship to the Emperor. Cultural Patron. European sources include Anthony Jenkinson’s travel account in A compendious and brief declaration of the journey [...] from [...] London into the land of Persia, passing in this same journey thorow Russia, Moscovia, and Mare Caspium [...] 14May [...] 1561, ed. As Alexander H. Morton has indicated in his study of the Venetian Michel Membré’s travel account, the ritualistic bastinado (čub-e ṭariq) of penitent Qezelbāš amirs by a high-ranking Turkmen Sufi (ḵalifat al-ḵolafā), and other “un-Islamic” ceremonies, continued to be practiced in various Turkmen mystical gatherings with the shah in attendance. 416-44. While no documentation exists as to what was taking place among the general population, numerous incidents are recorded of royal courts serving as arenas for recitals of secular and love poetry and concerts by prominent musicians. Despite that Tahmasp's tactics were largely successful during the war, Safavid Iran was forced to make certain concessions per the Amasya Treaty; historical Armenia and Georgia were divided equally between the two, with Western Armenia and western Georgia falling in Ottoman hands and Eastern Armenia and eastern Georgia staying in Safavid Iranian hands, the Ottoman Empire obtained also most of Iraq, including Baghdad, which gave them access to the Persian Gulf, while the Persians retained their former capital Tabriz and all their other north-western territories in the Caucasus (Dagestan, Azerbaijan) and as they were prior to the wars. The shah iran. [2] Upon adulthood, however, Tahmasp was able to reassert the power of the Shah and control the tribesmen with the start of the introduction of large amounts of Caucasian elements, effectively and purposefully creating a new layer in Iranian society, solely composed of ethnic Caucasians. [28] However, in the 1540s he is recorded as losing interest in the arts, and his imperial atelier largely dispersed. N. Keddie and R. Matthee, Seattle, 2002, pp. Not unlike Solaymān’s earlier invasion of ʿErāq-e ʿarab and Baghdad during Sām Mirzā’s bid for the throne, the Ottomans were once again using royal dissent in the Safavid house as a means of establishing a pro-Ottoman satellite state to the east. In 1559 Bayezid arrived in Iran where Tahmasp gave him a warm welcome. U. Haarmann and P. Bachmann, Beirut, 1979, pp. See also A. D. Papazian, Persidskie dokumenty Matenadarana (Persian documents in the “Matenadaran” [Institute]; Russian title, text in Armenian and Russian), Yerevan, 1956. At the end of the tenth century R. Isaac b. Moses ibn SakrÄ« of Spain was the rosh yeshivah. The shah paid absolute patronage and attention to these groups.” (Budāq Monši Qazvini, p. 144). Ṭahmāsp I (r. 1524-76). Ṭahmāsp’s brother, Alqāṣ Mirzā had been governor of Šervān (Shirvan) since March 1538, and it was clear that the Qezelbāš amirs had begun pushing the prince to rebel against his older brother. 66-112. Seven of Tahmasp's surviving sons were by Georgian or Circassian mothers and two by a Turcoman. 230-45; W. Posch, “Der Fall Alkāṣ Mīrzā und der Persienfeldzug von 1548-1549: Ein gescheitertes osmanisches Projekt zur Niederwerfung des safavidischen Persiens,” Ph.D. The latter half of Shah Ṭahmāsp’s reign saw the emergence of a new political and courtly agency in the sayyeds and their various networks intersecting cities like Tabriz, Qazvin, Isfahan, and the recently incorporated centers of Rašt, Astarābād, and Āmol. Christian-Muslim Relations. 387-405; and Rasul Jaʿfariān, Din va siāsat dar dawra-ye Ṣafavi, Tehran, 1991. Div Solṭān Rumlu proposed a triumvirate, a junta of sorts, whereby he would share the office of amir-al-omarā (commander-in-chief) with both Köpek Solṭān Ostājlu and Čuha Solṭān Takkalu. She also built relationships with the wife and sister of Ṭahmāsp I, shah of Persia. Civil war, however, broke out roughly a year later and Div Solṭān led his forces successfully against the Ostājlu rebels in Azerbaijan, Ardabil, and Gilān. and tr. 349-437; locations of published documents for this period are available in R. Schimkoreit’s Regesten publizierter safawidischer Herrscherurkunden, Berlin, 1982, pp. The Takkalus regained the advantage and some of them even tried to kidnap the shah. Div Solṭān proved to be both cunning and patient in his plan to subjugate the Ostājlu and Takkalu groups, and used this period of cooperation to placate tribal sensitivities and isolate Köpek Solṭān Ostājlu. This lacuna in Safavid studies is most probably a result of this reign being preceded and followed by two of the most charismatic and successful Safavid shahs, Esmāʿil I (r. 1501-24) and ʿAbbās I (r. 1588-1629), and these tend to overshadow the lengthy and substantial list of accomplishments by Ṭahmāsp in terms of court politics, cultural patronage, and religious policies. Nor does this isolated event reflect Shah Ṭahmāsp’s general geopolitical awareness, in which diplomacy and correspondence were conducted semi-regularly with non-Muslim powers such as Portugal, Spain, and Venice. During the tenth century there were two distinguished Jewish families in Baghdad, *Netira and Aaron. 18-51; idem, “Venezia e la Persia tra Uzun Hasan e Tahmasp (1454-1572),” Veltro 14, 1970, pp. [16] From that time, as soon as the Ottomans would launch a European campaign, they would be attacked by the Iranians on their eastern frontier, forcing Suleiman to return speedily to his capital. (Optional) Enter email address if you would like feedback about your tag. King and qezelbāš ward (1524-33).Ṭahmāsp’s puppet status continued with his accession to the throne on 23 May 1524, and the self-appointed status of Div Solṭān Rumlu (one of the Sufis of the Old Guard “ṣufiān-e qadimi”) as the shah’s vicegerent and the empire’s de facto ruler. This internal strife was only complicated by the first of many Uzbek invasions of Khorasan that culminated in the temporary seizure of Ṭus and Astarābād. Perhaps the greatest of the ghazal writers was Jamāl-al-Din Moḥammad b. Badr-al-Din of Shiraz (d. 1590-91) who wrote under the nom de plume of ʿOrfi. Detecting the machinations of his wakil, Ḥosayn Khan Šāmlu, behind his brother’s treachery, Ṭahmāsp had the Šāmlu amir executed. 1-29. As Andrew Newman has argued (see bibliography), the question of Arabic-speaking theologians migrating to Persia in the 16th century brings up an important problem of how Safavid Persia and its understanding of Shiʿism was viewed by the outside Twelver Shiʿite world, not to mention the majority Sunni community. A number of contemporary sources exist for the study of the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp, and thanks to the work of several scholars, many have been made available in published editions. Most scholars concur that Tabriz had shown itself to be vulnerable to Ottoman attack, and strategy dictated having a centrally located royal capital. Nonetheless, Ṭahmāsp’s “spiritual repentance” is presented in conventional historiography as a metaphor for Safavid Persia’s transition to Twelver Shiʿite orthodoxy from what Michel Mazzaoui termed “Folk Islam,” or more specifically an ad hoc fusion of rituals and liturgies influenced by a variety of traditions: mainstream Sunnism, Imami Shiʿism, Neẓāri Ismaʿilism, Neoplatonic theosophy, militant ḥorufi millenarianism (see HORUFISM), and Turkmen shamanism. The lynchpin of Karaki’s program was his utter disavowal of the doctrine of taqlid (‘imitation’) that was central to the aḵbāri (see AḴBĀRIYA) tradition within Twelver Shiʿism. ( for an Eng urban dynamics under Shah Ṭahmāsp deported to Isfahan pp., Mollā Rostam ʿAli Haravi a state industry Selim, to become the next.! ): 46-53. p. 46-53 www.jstor.org the Cleveland Museum of Art reign in Iran under the title Tajlu Khanum of! Was during Čuha Solṭān ’ s diplomacy, see I court Culture and popular piety the. Arts, and Ḵᵛuršāh b. 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